Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

During the second half of the 19th century, the increasing subdivision of rural estates in the state of Tlaxcala provided an unusual opportunity for women to gain access to property. This access was structured within family strategies that allowed the middle classes to strengthen their socio-economic position. The fiscal reforms at the end of the century were perceived as a betrayal of the social pact, as they altered the conditions of property ownership. What began as an economic issue shifted into the political realm. Although women participated in the anti-tax movements before the Revolution, their repertoire of actions was limited by the decisions of men in positions of authority and they were ignored by the courts responsible for punishing rebels. This study is based on notarial and judicial sources, as well as records produced by the state government administration during the repression of the anti-tax movements.

This purpose of this article is to make visible the presence of women as property owners in the city of Oaxaca. During the 19th Century, they had few opportunities to express themselves in public spaces, as they were not citizens and had no access to government positions. However, they were able to engage in economic activities and own property. Their involvement can be assessed through judicial and notarial sources. These sources also reflect the impact of institutional and legal changes of the time.

The aim of this work is to analyze the participation of women in mining in New Spain, focusing in the areas of ownership and management. To this end, a case study is conducted on Josefa Gertrudis Nieto in San Luis Potosí during the second half of the 18th century, using as primary source the legal proceedings of the creditor contest in which she was involved. Her experience is also compared with that of other female mine owners to establish connections between her individual trajectory and the mining, legal, and social context of the time. The central argument is that women were not merely limited to inheriting and transferring properties but also took on active roles as managers of mining businesses. This study highlights their role, as well as their functions as guardians and caretakers of their children, and the inherent difficulties they faced in engaging in activity characterized by uncertainty and considerable investment risks.

This work aims to highlight a group of miner businesswomen who were not only owners but also operated and managed their business in different Andean plateau (nowadays Bolivia) mining centers, during the late 18th century and early 19th century. We address how they performed these activities and how they sometimes encountered obstacles and complications in mining, an activity considered exclusively for males by traditional historiography for this period. We focus in two miner centers (Oruro and Potosí) which had different conditions and particularities, and we address the azogueras [quicksilver workers] through significant case studies. We analyze the most suitable documentary sources for the study of the participation of women in the economy, as well as the mining legislative bodies. We pay special attention to the case of Potosí and the attempt to exclude women from mining businesses through the creation of a new mining code, which was not ultimately approved.

This article explores the representations of women who exercised property rights and promoted business initiatives during the second half of the 19th century. To this end, it analyzes how they were depicted in the legislative changes, as well as in literature and painting, alongside notarial evidence of their business association practices. This required the selection and use of diverse primary sources. The intersection of cultural and economic perspectives reveals two simultaneous scenarios. One is dynamic, highlighting legal changes that favored women’s interests and autonomy, which they leveraged in various association initiatives. The other tends to limit their presence in the public economic sphere, justified by some codifiers and actors of legal codification on the grounds of family unity. In this context, often stereotyped representations of women coexisted with an overt and restrictive patriarchal culture

This article analyzes the role of women in mining in Guanajuato using documentation from the Diputación de Minería de Guanajuato, whose main characteristic is its precise recording of the active workforce in this industry. Through these sources, it has been possible to map out various forms of women’s involvement in mining at different levels, as well as the mechanisms and strategies they used to create, expand, and protect their property and assets during the mining recovery period. This was marked by the influx of British capital into Guanajuato and the prosperity of the La Luz mine in the first half of the 19th century. This study will show that women increased their participation in mining while maintaining behavioural patterns similar to those practised during the colonial era regarding property ownership.

This article analyzes, for the first time, the professional career of Mexican industrialist Benito Couriel Habif (1920-1999), who currently holds a prominent place in the country’s pharmaceutical sector. His professional life (1942-1980) coincided with a period of major growth in the Mexican pharmaceutical industry, during which nationally-owned companies developed strategies to ensure their competitiveness amid the dominance of foreign firms. This study is based on historical research that includes primary bibliographic, press, and archival sources, as well as oral testimonies. The findings show that Benito Couriel Habif distinguished himself in various professional fields, such as patenting antibiotics, promoting and implementing new technologies such as lyophilization, producing essential medicines for the national health system, and founding pharmaceutical associations aimed at unifying and guiding the initiatives of their members, to elevate the status and relevance of pharmacy in society at the time.

This study examines the scientific research and planning project developed by the Office of Industrial Research of the Bank of Mexico through the U. S.-based consulting firm Armour Research Foundation, in Yucatan, within the context of World War II and the reorganization of the global hard fibers market. It explores the influence of the war on Mexican industrial policy and the institutionalization of a government agency that structured the national research program in this area. Drawing on the reports produced by this office —preserved in the Gonzalo Robles Collection at Mexico's National General Archive (AGN)— and from an institutional and regional history perspective, the article analyzes the conditions and measures undertaken to  establish a scientific program aimed at reviving the henequen sector, addressing food supply challenges, and promoting technical and scientific education in Yucatan. Although the results fell short due to the region's structural complexities, the case offers an insight into the role of scientific and technological initiatives as drivers of national and regional economic development in the postwar global reconfiguration.

This article examines the symbolic use of the 1917 Mexican Constitution during World War II, underscoring its pivotal role in legitimizing national unity. It analyzes how the Constitution contributed to the formation of a political culture that supported nationalism during the administration of Manuel Ávila Camacho. Through critical analysis of newspaper editorials and journalistic articles from the period, the research demonstrates the Constitution’s symbolic projection, which reinforced key values such as peace, democracy, and social justice. It argues that beyond being a legal-political instrument, the Constitution also functioned as a symbol of political and ideological legitimacy. Its symbolic deployment in Mexico during the global conflict ultimately reflects the intent to shape a political culture rooted in post-revolutionary unity in the face of Nazi-Fascist ideologies.

This article situates the artistic practices of the collectives Germinal and Suma, active in the late 1970s, within a global framework. Although these collectives are often studied under the historiographical category of “Los Grupos”, they have rarely been analyzed as part of historical processes that go beyond local or national contexts of the 1960s and 1970s. Drawing on principles of a global history, the study reconstructs a new landscape centered on these two case studies. Using the concepts of cultural work and cultural guerrilla, the article connects Germinal and Suma with aesthetic-political ideas and events that directly or indirectly link to diverse international contexts. Through sources such as collective members' writings and their reflections in cultural magazines, the research integrates artistic and political practices into a broader global network of exchanges that shaped the New Left, wherein political thought was inherently cultural. The article renews the discussion on the aesthetic-political relationship in these collectives, challenging narratives that prioritize the experience of 1968 as well as the development of conceptual art.